Project Description: Given the limited research that exists in Canada on mass killings, and specifically mass femicide, this research has a three-fold purpose: (1) To describe mass killings in Ontario; (2) To compare what are referred to as domestic and non-domestic mass killings in Ontario; and (3) To analyze the media framing of mass killings in Canada with a specific focus on the role played by gender-based violence in mass femicide and homicide. Each of these are described in more detail below.

This project draws attention to femicides that involve multiple victims and emphasizes the importance of recognizing certain mass killings as mass femicides, regardless of the victim-perpetrator relationship. To illustrate, some mass killings involve males who kill primarily female victims, which clearly demonstrates the role of gender in such events. Other mass killings involve males who do not necessarily target female victims but have histories of violence against women and girls (VAWG) and/or commit the killing in response to rejection from females. This project argues that these killings would be better recognized as mass femicides because of the role played by gender-based violence.

Mass Killings in Ontario, Canada: A Descriptive Analysis: Mass killings, defined as the killing of three or more victims in a short period of time, have received minimal attention in Canadian literature (Leveillee et al. 2009; Mailloux, 2014). Most research on mass killings focuses on the US, likely because most mass killings occur in the US (Duwe 2000). Despite their greater rarity in Canada, it is important to analyze mass killings in the Canadian context to identify common risk factors and develop effective prevention measures. Conducted by Ciara Boyd with support of Dr. Myrna Dawson and Dr. Steph Howells, the purpose of this study is to understand what mass killings look like in Canada and explore how they compare to what the literature shows regarding mass killings in other countries.

Methods: Using mixed methods, this study analyzes 42 mass killings that occurred in Ontario, Canada between 1985 and 2012 and answers the research question: What do mass killings look like in Ontario, Canada? Adopting a gendered theoretical perspective using feminist and masculinities theories, this study draws from secondary data compiled as part of a larger SSHRC-funded project documents homicides that occurred in Canada between 1985 and present and utilizes a subsample of homicides involving three or more victims killed between 1985 and 2012. The resulting dataset includes 42 cases of mass killings involving 55 perpetrators and 151 victims, each of which are analyzed using univariate statistics. To build upon the quantitative component and further explore these mass killings, 450 media reports that covered these killings are also analyzed using a qualitative content analysis.

Findings: Findings indicate that mass killings in Canada share both overlapping and diverging characteristics with mass killings that occur in other countries. To illustrate, in line with prior literature (Liem and Koenraadt 2008; Liem et al. 2013; Taylor 2018), most mass killers in Canada are white males with an average age of 32.5 years, and most Canadian mass killings are committed with firearms and appear to be premeditated. In contrast to prior literature, however, slightly more mass killing victims in Canada were male (53%) than female (47%), and existing typologies used to classify motivations for mass killings in other countries may not be relevant in the Canadian context.

Implications: This study demonstrates the importance of recognizing mass killings as a gendered crime, regardless of whether the perpetrator targets male or female victims. To illustrate, the mass killers were almost always males, many of whom had a history of controlling behaviour, thus, highlighting VAWG as a risk factor for mass killings. Findings also demonstrate the importance of defining mass killings as those that involve three or more victims (as opposed to the commonly used definition of four or more victims) (Duwe 2000), as many mass killings involving family members involve fewer victims, likely because perpetrators typically target their intimate partner(s) and children. Overall, this study indicates that mass killings in Canada share similar characteristics with mass killings in other countries, such as gender of perpetrators, method of killing, and location; however, they differ in terms of gender of victims, suicide, and motivation. As such, our research provides a starting point for understanding mass killings in Canada and emphasizes the need to explore how mass killings differ in various countries in order to develop prevention measures for such killings.

Mass Killings in Ontario: A Comparison of Domestic and Non-Domestic Killings: The existing research on mass killings has prioritized those that involve single perpetrators who primarily kill strangers, precluding a focus on mass killings that involve primarily family members and intimate partners (Gerard, Whitfield, Porter, and Browne 2016; Capellan and Gomez 2017). In most countries, however, the majority of homicides are committed by someone known to the victim (Brookman, Jones, and Pike 2017; Dawson 2017; Ellis and Hamai 2017; Mazerolle, Eriksson, Wortley, and Johnson 2017; Statistics Canada 2016). Additionally, most mass killings involve male perpetrators who largely target females; however, despite research showing that mass killings are a predominantly male-perpetrated crime, they are rarely recognized as a gendered phenomenon (Marganski, 2019).

Methods: Conducted by Ciara Boyd with support of Dr. Myrna Dawson and Dr. Steph Howells, the purpose of this study is to gain an understanding of what mass killings look like in Canada and explore domestic and non-domestic mass killings through a gendered theoretical perspective. Using a mixed-methods approach, Ciara analyzes 42 mass killings that occurred in Ontario, Canada between 1985 and 2012 and answers the research question: How do victim, perpetrator, and incident characteristics of mass killings involving primarily domestic victims compare to mass killings involving primarily non-domestic victims in Ontario? Ciara’s research begins with a bivariate analysis of secondary data compiled by Dr. Myrna Dawson and focuses on a subsample of homicides that involved three or more victims. Following this, Ciara builds upon the quantitative findings with a qualitative content analysis of media coverage on the mass killing incidents, where possible, to identify common themes.

Findings: The findings from this research demonstrate that domestic and non-domestic mass killings share similarities (e.g., motivations) and differences (e.g., histories of domestic violence) and draw attention to the toxic masculinity and coercive control that are prominent among many mass killers. This research also introduces a revised motivational typology that builds upon those commonly identified in prior literature and identifies several risk factors for mass killings, such as histories of domestic violence and access to firearms.

Implications: To our knowledge, this research is the first to use a gendered theoretical framework to compare the characteristics of domestic and non-domestic mass killings and takes a different methodological approach than that utilized in prior mass killing research. It also draws attention to domestic mass killings and provides a starting point for future research to explore domestic and non-domestic mass killings as an extreme form of gender-based violence. Moreover, by identifying risk factors for domestic and non-domestic mass killings, Ciara’s research aids in the development of risk assessment, risk management, and safety planning strategies to prevent mass killings from occurring in the future.

Gender-Based Violence and the Media: Analyzing Media Framing of Mass Killings in Canada:

On average, a woman is killed every six days in Canada (Dawson et al. 2021). In 1989, 14 women were killed in Quebec because of their sex/gender. Despite this mass killing (i.e., the killing of three or more victims in a single incident) occurring over 30 years ago, it was not recognized as an anti-feminist attack until 2019 (The Conversation 2019). In 2020, 22 individuals were killed in Nova Scotia following a domestic dispute (CFOJA 2020). In 2022, 10 individuals were killed in Saskatchewan and the primary suspect had a history of violence against women (VAW) (Austen 2022). Most mass killing research uses media coverage as a data source, despite the fact that the media focus primarily on cases that involve numerous fatalities and stranger victims, ignoring those that involve fewer fatalities and family victims (Duwe 2000). Consequently, the gendered nature of mass killings (i.e., the fact that they often involve primarily male perpetrators who target females and/or have histories of VAW) is overlooked.

To analyze how one form of gender-based violence (GBV) is depicted in the media, Ciara’s PhD research, under the supervision of Dr. Myrna Dawson, Dr. Steph Howells, and Dr. Jordan Fairbairn, will explore the following research question: To what extent does media framing of mass killings align with perceptions of mass killings by surviving family members or friends of victims and/or perpetrators? When homicides occur, most information stems from media reports (Taylor and Sorenson 2002). As such, it is important that the media accurately portray mass killings, as failure to do so may create a fearful public, cause further harm to loved ones of victims and/or perpetrators, and hinder the development of effective prevention measures (Taylor 2018; Marganski 2019). To explore whether or not researchers should rely on media coverage as a data source when analyzing GBV, Ciara’s dissertation will explore perceptions of media framing of mass killings in Canada. Given that media coverage is the primary source of information for homicides (Taylor and Sorenson 2002; Taylor 2018), this is often the only perspective available to the public. Therefore, although individual recollections are subjective, exploring whether or not loved ones’ perceptions of the incident align with the media will capture more than one perspective and determine if researchers should continue to rely solely on media coverage as a data source.

Methods: Ciara’s study will draw from secondary data that documents homicides in Canada with information collected from coroner, police, court, and media files (Dawson 2016). Data are available through networks developed through two SSHRC-funded projects (i.e., the Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and Accountability and the Canadian Domestic Homicide Prevention Initiative) by Dr. Myrna Dawson. Ciara’s study will be conducted in three phases and will draw from the total population of homicides that involved three or more victims killed in Canada between 1985 and 2022. In the first phase, Ciara will collect media coverage of the mass killings and analyze it using both quantitative and qualitative content analyses. The purpose of this phase is to identify how the media frame mass killings, including a focus on how the role of gender, race, and class are presented in such events. In the second phase, Ciara will gather information from surviving friends and family members through an online survey questionnaire. The purpose of this phase is to identify how those connected to the incident perceive the media framing of the event. The final phase will expand on the survey through semi-structured interviews with surviving friends and family members of the victims and/or perpetrators. The purpose of phase three is to allow respondents who participated in phase two to elaborate on their responses and/or discuss further information regarding their perception of the mass killing if they wish.

Contributions: Ciara’s study takes a unique theoretical and methodological approach as it will draw from feminist, masculinities, and intersectionality theories and employ a mixed methods research design. Ciara’s research is the first of its kind as she will explore not only how mass killings are framed in the media, but also how friends and family members of the victims and/or perpetrators perceive such framing. In doing so, Ciara will provide a more complete narrative of what mass killings look like in Canada and better capture the role of race, gender, and class in such events. As a result, her research will speak to whether or not researchers should rely solely on media coverage as a data source when analyzing GBV or if other sources should be incorporated as well.